Chapter 1: The system of denationalistion
Luxemburg alerted the Polish that the Prussian government was going to diminish the Polish language by replacing it with German as a media for religious education in primary school in Poznan. Its aim is to erase Polish identity.
Chapter 2: Whose fault?
Luxemburg pointed out that Prussian government is the true author behind the Germanisation which systemically oppressed the Polish identity. Thus, blaming on German people on this issue is unwise as it ignores the characteristics of the German government which was highly tight together with Prussian government.
She then indicated that Prussian government found its supporter among the Hakatist, who promoted a ruthless systemic oppression of Polish in the eastern provinces of the German Empire, and sat comfortably as there were no significant pushback from the parliaments which mainly makeup from Conservatives, National Liberal and Catholic party.
Conservatives and National Liberal party mostly composited large estates owners and industrial millionaires, whose gladly welcome the oppression on Polish people. Catholic party, which had odds with previous German government lead by Bismarck, had now taken over by the interests of landlords and industrial millionaires, and remained indifference to Polish suffering even though they could easily stop them as they were the largest party in the Reichstag.
The aristocrats, the industrialist and the capitalists share the goal of monetary profit. They treated the ongoing Germanisation as a business where they could make gainful positions in the eastern provinces in German Empire. If Germanisation did not work well to them, they could resort to the hiring of Polish miners and smelters since Polish were much cheaper and dumber compared to their German counterpart.
Chapter 3: Our allies
Without hesitation, Luxemburg showed that Social Democratic Party (SPD) was the saviour to the Polish workers in preservation of their nationality. The Socialists fought against the injustice of the workers regardless of their identity, stated that German workers suffered the same oppression as Polish workers from the German government by the Emergency Law against Socialists.
She alluded the flaws from the arguments which claims that SPD were going to abolish family life and religion, and introduce widespread fornication of women. The capitalists, she argued, were the ones that destroyed the family life of Polish workers by putting workers in a miserable state where women were forced into prostitution in order to feed herself and her families. In contrast to the belief of Poznan local newspapers, SPD evidently fought against any prosecution of non-Protestant religions by voting in favour of the return of Jesuit priests to Germany.
Luxemburg reminded that SPD was the first party to vocally protest the Germanisation of the Polish people even before the Polish bourgeoisie.
Chapter 4: Nobility, bourgeoisie and people in Poznan province
Luxemburg rigorously criticised the passive actions from the People’s Party, which supposedly should defend Polish nationality vehemently. She drew attention to the composition of People’s Party, which mainly consists of Polish aristocrats and industrialist, and stated that their interests did not align with the interests of the majority of the Polish, that is the Polish tradesmen, working people and farmers.
The Polish bourgeoisie were the same to the German bourgeoisie, even though at the first glance they had conflicting views on Polish question. They all were sharing the interest to exploit Polish working class. It was why they did not oppose the expansion of the German army and navy, which supposedly used to suppress Polish people and export imperialism, where Social Democracy Party voted against it.
Luxemburg advocated for a united front of German and Polish working class to oppose their common enemies that is the bourgeoisie, whether they are German or Polish. The Polish nationality could only be preserved through overthrown of their own bourgeoisie.